The federal government has become one of SpaceX's most important customers. FedScout, which tracks public sector awards, tallies at least $6.78 billion in SpaceX obligations so far this year through Oct. 1. At that clip, this year far exceeds earlier totals - $3.97 billion came in 2025 and $3.8 billion covered all of 2024.
Two late May deals show the surge. The Space Force tapped SpaceX for $2.29 billion tied to a Golden Dome communications network, then three days later added $4.16 billion for satellites that spot threats. Those contracts are issued by agencies, not Congress, but lawmakers appropriate the money and oversee the departments that buy, including the Pentagon and NASA.
In aggregate since 2008, FedScout pegs SpaceX's awards at over $30.7 billion from the federal government. That excludes classified awards and some state spending on services like Starlink equipment and connectivity that states use in disaster response.
While SpaceX's federal work accelerates, Musk is also spending to shape who runs Washington. He has put about $366 million behind the midterms across at least 40 races, the most of any single donor so far. Since July, at least $276 million has gone to Republican committees and to his own America PAC, per a CNBC review of FEC data. Democrats are favored to win the House, and the Senate remains a toss up.
The stakes for Musk's companies are obvious. SpaceX needs launch approvals from the FAA. Starlink's spectrum and satellite licenses sit with the FCC, whose commissioners are Senate confirmed. Congress writes the checks and watches both agencies.
On top of that, Tesla's business can be reshaped by federal decisions on EV credits, battery subsidies, self driving rules and trade with China. And as Musk leans into artificial intelligence, policy fights over electricity and data centers matter more.
America PAC is also investing where congressional gatekeepers sit. It is backing Sen. Susan Collins, R Maine, who chairs the Senate Appropriations Committee that writes bills funding NASA and the Defense Department - two of SpaceX's biggest customers. Her Democratic opponent, Troy Jackson, says Musk is trying to "buy a government that serves his interests."
Musk did not reply to a request for comment. On X, he pushed back at the idea of Democrat led inquiries, writing: "Live by the sword, die by the sword." He added: "Those who pick fights with me should understand that I will find out who is really pulling the strings and come for them, not just their puppets."
Nowhere do Musk's business needs and political spending intersect more than in Texas. Tesla's headquarters is in Austin, home to its largest U.S. car plant. The Boring Co. is in Pflugerville. That gives state leaders leverage over taxes, power, permits, infrastructure and incentives that directly affect his operations.
In this cycle, Musk has directed no less than $189.6 million toward electing Republican Ken Paxton to the Senate, leading Democrat James Talarico to say Musk aims to "buy this Senate seat in Texas." Musk fired back on X, saying "There is something deeply wrong" with Talarico. Talarico responded: "There is something deeply wrong with a political system that allows one trillionaire to buy his own personal U.S. Senator."
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Musk and his trust have also steered at least $6 million to Texas state candidates and political committees, including Gov. Greg Abbott, Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and House Speaker Dustin Burrows. The relationship runs through staff, too: before joining Tesla as policy lead, Karen Steakley served in the role of Abbott's deputy director for legislative affairs.
His industrial map in the state is still expanding. Tesla and SpaceX plan to build a large AI chip plant with Intel in Grimes County, outside Austin, where Chris Gober - a longtime Musk lawyer and counsel to America PAC - is running for Congress.
America PAC's checks are not limited to Texas. Across six other swing states, the group had laid out roughly $22.7 million for general election activity through Oct. 20, including about $8.9 million in Ohio, about $7.2 million in Michigan and around $2 million in Maine, according to a CNBC analysis of filings. In Michigan, the PAC is paying for digital ads, mail, printing, postage and text or phone outreach backing Republican Mike Rogers and attacking Democrat Abdul El Sayed.
Rogers backs a one year moratorium on building new data centers, while El Sayed calls for stopping work on advanced AI and additional data centers until tougher federal protections take effect. In Ohio, the PAC is funding ads and voter contact to aid Republican Jon Husted against Democrat Sherrod Brown. Husted argues large data centers should bear a larger share of grid expenses, while Brown has criticized industry tax breaks and pledged to require data centers to cover the entirety of their electricity bills.
Musk's political ties have swung before. After putting nearly $300 million behind Trump and GOP congressional candidates in 2024, he gained unusual access, led the Department of Government Efficiency and pushed to shrink the federal workforce and roll back rules. The relationship soured in June 2025 during a fight over Trump's tax and spending bill, leading to threats from the president to curb government support and contracts for Musk's firms.
Recently, the rapprochement has been public. On Sept. 30, the Defense Department tapped him as a co-leader of Project Meridian, which advises the Pentagon on future warfare.
Why does that matter? Because if Republicans prevail, Musk could keep his clout and a friendlier policy climate. If Democrats take even one chamber, expect subpoenas and investigations into his companies, federal deals and his leadership of DOGE.
The bottom line: federal money and regulatory approvals are lining up with political bets. That is a live factor for businesses tied to rockets, satellites, EVs and AI, and for investors exposed to companies that depend on Washington's funding bills and licenses.
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